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International Latter-day Saint History

When Did Latter-day Saint Missionary Work Begin in Brazil?

The proselytizing efforts of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Brazil began in 1928.

Latter-day Saint missionary work in Brazil officially began in 1928 in the city of Joinville. While traditional stories credit a letter from the Lippelt family for sparking the mission, historical documents point to Elder Melvin J. Ballard’s strategic planning and consequential recommendation. This formative era of Global Mormonism was defined by a pragmatic “German-first” approach, included the translation of the Book of Mormon into Portuguese, and even played a role in the 1978 priesthood revelation. In this interview, historian Fernando Pinheiro shows what historical methodology reveals about the origins of the Church’s proselytizing in Brazil.


The book cover for "Processando os Documentos: Revisando, Retificando e Ratificando a História da Igreja no Brasil, Volume I (1928-1944)", featuring a black-and-white photograph of an outdoor Latter-day Saint baptism in South America.
Fernando Pinheiro has published an in-depth analysis of early Latter-day Saint history in Brazil: Processando os Documentos: Revisando, Retificando e Ratificando a História da Igreja no Brasil, Volume I (1928-1944)

Early Latter-day Saint Missionary Efforts in Brazil

How is Melvin J. Ballard typically described in association with preaching the gospel in South America?

Until recently, Elder Melvin J. Ballard was portrayed in the historiography primarily as the apostle who dedicated South America for the preaching of the gospel, without any direct connection to the beginnings of missionary work in Brazil.

The Brazilian case, in turn, was attributed almost exclusively to Reinhold Stoof, who for decades was presented as the principal figure responsible for the decision to preach the gospel in the country—often without the historiography offering a solid motivation or a broader institutional framework for this initiative.

When did we learn that Ballard played a larger role?

This interpretation began to change significantly with the identification of previously underutilized correspondence between Melvin J. Ballard and Church President Heber J. Grant.

In these letters, Ballard expressed a clear and consistent interest in Brazil as early as 1926, viewing the country as a promising and strategically important field for missionary expansion.

How did Melvin J. Ballard’s strategic vision lead to establishing an official missionary presence in Brazil?

His involvement went beyond abstract concern: Ballard even prepared to travel to Brazil, a plan that was ultimately frustrated by a letter from the First Presidency instructing him to return to the United States.

A profile of a middle-aged apostle Melvin J. Ballard wearing a suit and tie, reflecting the strategic role he played establishing Latter-day Saint missionary work in Brazil.
Elder Melvin J. Ballard played a critical role in establishing the Church’s official missionary presence in Brazil less than three years after dedicating the land of South America for the preaching of the gospel. Credit: Church History Library.

Crucially, however, Ballard’s influence did not end with the cancellation of this visit. Before returning home, Elder Ballard formally recommended that missionaries be sent to German immigrant communities in Brazil to assess local interest and the feasibility of missionary work.

This recommendation had direct consequences. Acting on this guidance, Reinhold Stoof quickly undertook an exploratory journey to Brazil in 1927, which resulted in the establishment of the Church’s official missionary presence in the country the following year.

He emerges as a strategic thinker who was fundamental to setting the Church’s development in Brazil in motion.

From this perspective, Stoof’s role is no longer best understood as an isolated or purely individual initiative, but rather as the implementation of a broader apostolic strategy articulated by Ballard.

Elder Melvin J. Ballard thus emerges not merely as a symbolic figure associated with the dedication of a continent, but as a strategic thinker whose vision, correspondence, and directives were fundamental to setting the Church’s development in Brazil in motion.

This previously unrecognized protagonism substantially reshapes our understanding of the Church’s early formation in the country, highlighting the convergence of institutional planning, apostolic authority, and individual agency.

When and where was missionary work initiated in Brazil?

The proselytizing efforts of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Brazil began in 1928, with the southern region of the country—particularly the city of Joinville, in the state of Santa Catarina—serving as its concrete point of origin.

Traditional and institutional narratives have at times claimed that this beginning took place elsewhere in the state, specifically in the Ipomeia region, associating it with the Lippelt family based on correspondence requested by missionaries.

However, a careful cross-referencing of primary sources demonstrates that this narrative, disseminated institutionally since the mid-twentieth century, is not supported by the documentary evidence.

How did missionary work in Brazil transition from an exploratory to a proselyting phase?

1927: Exploratory Journey

It is important to emphasize that the 1927 journey undertaken by Reinhold and Ella Stoof, accompanied by Elder Waldo I. Stoddard, was strictly exploratory in nature.

Its purpose was to assess the social, linguistic, and religious conditions for a potential missionary field among German immigrant colonies in Brazil. During this preliminary phase, there was no systematic proselytizing.

The effort consisted of initial contact, informal meetings, and observation of the local religious environment.

Instead, the effort consisted of initial contacts, informal meetings, and observation of the local religious environment—factors that proved decisive in leading Stoof to conclude that “the south of Brazil is the place.”

Within this context, Joinville was chosen deliberately rather than by chance. The city had a substantial German-speaking population, which allowed missionary work to begin in German, a strategy already employed with relative success in other parts of South America.

1928: Institutionalized Missionary Presence

It was only in 1928 that missionaries were officially assigned to Brazil and began to operate in an organized manner in Joinville and the surrounding areas.

This moment marks the transition from an exploratory phase to the institutionalization of the Church’s presence in the country.

From that point forward, missionary activity became more regular, leading to the first baptism performed on Brazilian soil in April 1929, the organization of the first branch in 1930, and, subsequently, the construction of a dedicated place of worship in 1931.


Missionary Work in Joinville

Why did missionaries initially focus on using illustrated lectures on “Utah and Its People”?

A sepia-toned vintage illustration showing a magic lantern projector casting an image of the Salt Lake Temple onto a wall. A group of people in 1920s clothing watches the projection in a room with a window showing tropical trees and a sign on the wall that reads 'JOINVILLE, BRASIL - 1928'.
Early Latter-day Saint missionaries in Brazil used pictures of Utah and a fascination with the American West to increase curiosity about the Church.

Missionaries initially focused on using illustrated lectures on “Utah and Its People” because this format functioned as an effective introductory tool in unfamiliar religious and cultural settings.

The lectures consisted of a series of projected images depicting Utah landscapes, everyday life among its inhabitants, and key episodes from the history of the Church.

Rather than serving as direct proselytizing sermons, these presentations offered a visually engaging and relatively neutral entry point through which missionaries could introduce both the geographic origins of the Church and its historical development.

How did this approach lower barriers for potential converts?

This visual strategy was especially useful when missionaries arrived in a new location. The illustrated lectures allowed them to present themselves not immediately as religious preachers, but as cultural mediators offering information about a distant and largely unknown region of the world.

In that sense, the lectures operated as a form of soft introduction,” lowering social and religious barriers and creating a space of curiosity before more explicitly doctrinal discussions took place.

How successful was it?

According to missionary reports and correspondence, the strategy proved remarkably successful, particularly in attracting large audiences.

The novelty of the technology, combined with the exotic appeal of the American West, often drew dozens (and, in some cases, hundreds) of attendees.

These events generated sustained interest, with many participants later requesting additional meetings, literature, or personal conversations with the missionaries.

What were the benefits of this strategy when it didn’t yield baptisms?

While attendance at these lectures did not automatically translate into conversions, they served as an effective first step in building visibility, legitimacy, and local networks.

The appeal of the illustrated lectures was also tied to their perceived exoticism. For Brazilian audiences, especially in cities like Joinville, the opportunity to see images of Utah and learn about the people of the American West carried a strong sense of novelty.

This curiosity about a foreign society (its landscapes, social organization, and religious life) created a receptive environment in which the missionaries could gradually introduce the message of the Church.

How did the attacks of Protestant ministers against the Church in Joinville both help and hinder missionary efforts?

Attacks by Protestant ministers against The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Joinville played an ambivalent role, simultaneously hindering and, in some respects, inadvertently aiding missionary efforts.

Negative Consequences of Protestant Attacks

On the one hand, these attacks reinforced long-standing negative stereotypes about Mormonism already present in Brazilian society.

Since the late 19th century, public knowledge of the Church had been shaped largely by newspapers, magazines, travel literature, and novels that portrayed Latter-day Saints as exotic, polygamous, and morally suspect.

Protestant critiques in Joinville drew heavily on this preexisting imagery, emphasizing polygamy, authoritarian leadership, and alleged moral deviations. By mobilizing familiar tropes circulated in both Catholic and Protestant periodicals, ministers framed Mormonism not as a legitimate Christian alternative but as a dangerous sect incompatible with Christian morality and social order.

It made missionary activity more difficult.

In a region already sensitive to religious difference, such rhetoric increased suspicion, fueled social hostility, and, at times, contributed to public opposition and localized unrest that directly obstructed missionary work.

These attacks were further intensified by the political climate of the interwar period.

Learn more about religious intolerance and the persecution of missionaries in 1930s Brazil in this 2022 BYU Church History Symposium presentation by Fernando Pinheiro.

In southern Brazil (particularly among German-descendant communities), religious prejudice became entangled with fears of foreign infiltration, espionage, and extremist ideologies. Missionaries, many of whom were foreigners operating in German-speaking colonies, were occasionally viewed through this lens of suspicion.

Protestant denunciations thus compounded broader anxieties about national security and cultural loyalty, making missionary activity more difficult and exposing missionaries to accusations that went beyond theology.

Unintended Positive Effects of Protestant Attacks

On the other hand, Protestant attacks also had unintended positive effects. Public denunciations increased the Church’s visibility, transforming Mormonism from a marginal curiosity into a subject of public debate.

Controversy generated curiosity.

For some residents of Joinville, ministerial warnings prompted a desire to hear directly from the missionaries rather than rely on secondhand representations.

In this sense, opposition functioned as a form of publicity, drawing attention to the Church and creating opportunities for missionaries to clarify misconceptions, particularly regarding polygamy, which had already been officially abandoned by the Church decades earlier.

Why was the focus on German immigrants such a critical factor in the Church’s initial missionary success in Brazil?

The initial focus on German immigrants was a critical factor in the Church’s early success in Brazil because it aligned closely with Brazil’s immigration policies, regional demographics, and the Church’s existing missionary capacities during the 1920s.

At that time, Brazil was actively promoting immigration as part of a broader nation-building strategy, and thousands of European immigrants (particularly Germans) had settled in the Southeast and, more decisively, in the southern states.

By the early 20th century, these regions contained hundreds of well-established German-speaking colonies, many of which preserved their language, cultural institutions, and religious traditions.

This demographic reality drew the attention of Church leaders such as Elder Melvin J. Ballard, who viewed these communities as a strategic and relatively accessible entry point for missionary work.

Immediate advantages

From an institutional perspective, the “German-first” strategy offered several immediate advantages:

  • Missionaries already trained in German could begin proselytizing without the linguistic and cultural barriers posed by Portuguese.
  • German immigrants were also familiar with religious pluralism and, in many cases, had prior exposure to Protestant traditions, which reduced resistance to non-Catholic religious movements.

As a result, early missionary efforts in places like Joinville benefited from social receptivity, linguistic continuity, and existing transnational networks that connected Brazil to Europe and North America.

How did the “German-first” strategy eventually affect the transition to Portuguese proselytizing?

This strategy carried long-term limitations. While German-speaking communities provided a foothold for the Church, they represented only a small fraction of Brazil’s population.

Beyond these enclaves existed a vast and diverse society, including a large population of Afro-descendants who would soon constitute what Church leaders perceived as a major institutional challenge.

Transitioning from German to Portuguese proselytizing was therefore essential if the Church hoped to expand beyond immigrant colonies and establish a national presence.

It was an important step toward national integration.

Breaking the German-language barrier did, in fact, open the door to preaching among the broader Brazilian population. The translation of materials into Portuguese and the gradual linguistic shift in missionary work marked an important step toward national integration.

Yet this transition exposed deeper contradictions within the Church’s missionary strategy.

While language adaptation made outreach to most Brazilians theoretically possible, racial restrictions embedded in Church policy at the time meant that many potential converts (particularly those of African descent) were excluded from full participation.

In this sense, the move toward Portuguese proselytizing both expanded the Church’s reach and highlighted the structural limits imposed by race-based selection.

Thus, the “German-first” strategy was initially successful because it matched Brazil’s immigrant landscape and minimized early barriers to entry.

Over time, however, it became both a bridge and a bottleneck:

  • A bridge that enabled the Church’s initial establishment.
  • A bottleneck that delayed full engagement with Brazil’s broader, racially diverse population.

The eventual shift to Portuguese proselytizing was necessary for growth, but it also forced the Church to confront tensions between its global expansion goals and the racial policies that would shape its trajectory in Brazil for decades.

A high-quality illustrative close-up of a 1930s-era desk. On the left is an open book featuring German Gothic Fraktur text; on the right is a handwritten Portuguese manuscript of the Book of Mormon. A vintage fountain pen rests in the center, symbolically bridging the two languages used in early Brazilian missionary work.
Bridging the Language Barrier: The transition from German-speaking enclaves to national Portuguese-language proselytizing was a pivotal—and complex—moment for the Church in Brazil. 

Early Latter-day Saint Missionary Work in Brazil: Fact vs. Fiction

What is the significance of Auguste Lippelt’s letter in the development of missionary work in Brazil?

From an institutional and historical perspective, the Lippelt letter did not redirect missionary policy, initiate the Church’s presence in Brazil, or meaningfully shape its expansion. Auguste Lippelt’s letter should be understood as a minor episode within a much broader and already ongoing missionary process.

The commonly repeated version tends to romanticize Auguste Lippelt’s letter as a decisive—or even foundational—turning point, when in fact the historical context imposed significant structural limitations that greatly relativize that interpretation.

Missionary work was already underway.

The significance of Auguste Lippelt’s letter in the development of missionary work in Brazil must be understood as limited and symbolic rather than foundational. Its actual impact on the broader trajectory of the Church’s growth was minimal.

Even in the absence of the Lippelt family’s letter, the Church would have continued to grow organically from its already-established base in Joinville.

By the time the correspondence was sent, missionary work was underway, and organizational structures were functioning. Expansion followed patterns shaped far more by institutional planning and urbanization than by isolated requests from rural areas.

With the mission headquarters eventually established in São Paulo, especially after the war, Church growth became increasingly concentrated in major urban centers.

In this context, even Joinville gradually lost its prominence, making rural communities like Ipomeia even more marginal.

The letter held little strategic importance for the development of missionary work in Brazil.

Ipomeia was a small village, geographically isolated and demographically limited. This reality is reflected in the long-term outcome. Even today, Ipomeia remains a small rural congregation without having played a significant structural role in the Church’s national growth.

For these reasons, both the letter itself and the region associated with it held little strategic importance for the development of missionary work in Brazil.

This assessment does not diminish the personal faith, commitment, or perseverance of the local members, whose efforts to maintain a religious community in a rural setting deserve recognition.

How have out-of-context photographs been used to tell the story of the Church’s history in Brazil?

About three years ago, a chronological poster featuring dates and photographs narrating the Church’s history in Brazil was installed in stake centers throughout the country. Unfortunately, this material reproduced many of the same errors, excessive simplifications, and omissions already present in the institutional literature on Brazilian Church history.

In particular, several photographs were used out of context, leading to misleading interpretations of events commonly portrayed as foundational.

Spencer W. Kimball visiting the first Latter-day Saint chapel built in Brazil during his 1959 tour; often misidentified in historical charts.
Error 6: Wrong photo. Although it was taken during the 1959 trip, this photo was taken in the first chapel built by the Church (rather than a chapel that Spencer W. Kimball dedicated on that trip, as the original caption indicates).

Could you share some examples?

Examples of these errors—found both in the poster and more broadly in institutional narratives—include:

  • The incorrect identification of the location of the first Missionary Training Center.
  • Inaccuracies regarding the publication of the first Portuguese edition of the Book of Mormon, including misattributing the translation’s authorship.
  • The incorrect naming of chapels.
  • The use of photographs taken at different moments and for different purposes.

And, perhaps most persistently, misunderstandings surrounding the origins of the Church in Brazil.

Agda and Maria Vieira, the uncredited non-member women who translated the first Portuguese Book of Mormon in 1940, pictured here with Daniel G. Shupe.
Error 1: The publication of the first edition of the Book of Mormon was done in 1940 and had two more translators, yes, women, who were not credited: Agda Soares Vieira, a Brazilian primary school teacher, and her mother, Maria Vieira, French by birth, who acquired an excellent knowledge of the Portuguese language through her long residence in Brazil. In the photo: Daniel, Agda, and Maria Vieira.

After several attempts to alert those responsible to the inconsistencies in the poster and to suggest its revision or removal, the decision was made to keep it in circulation despite the documented errors.

In response, I addressed the issue publicly in a social media group that I administer, which brings together nearly 30,000 individuals interested in the history of the Church in Brazil. In that forum, I presented a detailed analysis of the inaccuracies in the images and captions, correcting them based on primary sources and documentary evidence.

Photographs require careful analysis when treated as historical documents.

Throughout this analysis, I clarified what the photographs actually depict, corrected erroneous claims, and demonstrated how the absence of historical methodology, critical review, and proper contextualization contributes to the perpetuation of historical myths.

The house on Rua Itapeva 376, which served as the actual first Missionary Training Center in Brazil, correcting the common myth that it was the home of James E. Faust.
Error 13: The former home of James E. Faust was not the first Missionary Training Center in Brazil. It was in a house on Rua Itapeva. From there, it moved to the Church’s administration building (next to the temple) and, in 1997, to the Casa Verde neighborhood. In the photo: Former mission house, at Rua Itapeva, 378.

This case illustrates how photographs, when treated as self-explanatory evidence rather than as historical documents requiring careful analysis, are easily misread—and how such misinterpretations can become institutionalized when they are not rigorously questioned and corrected.


Researching the Beginnings of Missionary Work in Brazil

How do you respond to those who fear that “deconstructing” devotional stories might weaken the faith of church members?

Over time, I have come to believe that serious historical study need not be seen as a threat to faith.

Religious institutions are made up of people, and people are fallible. Acknowledging this does not mean excusing mistakes, justifying harmful actions, or minimizing serious past failures; it means recognizing the human dimension of religious experience.

When devotional narratives are revisited or critically examined, what is at stake is not the destruction of faith, but the possibility of its maturation.

Faith that depends on the constant idealization of leaders can become fragile.

A faith that depends on the constant idealization of leaders or simplified stories can become fragile when confronted with documents, sources, and more complex historical contexts.

In my own experience, research has helped clarify the distinction between the core message of the gospel and the limitations of those who have carried it forward over time.

My commitment to the Church has always been grounded in Jesus Christ, not in the presumed infallibility of individuals or institutions. From this perspective, history—even when uncomfortable—can serve as a space for learning, accountability, and growth, rather than a cause for losing faith.

How does your article in the Journal of Mormon History relate to the book you published in 2024?

Each work serves a distinct purpose. While the article offers a more focused intervention in specific historiographical debates, the book significantly expands the revisionist effort I have been developing regarding the early stages of the Church’s proselytizing activity in Brazil.

The book traces this process from the beginning of missionary activity in the country through the outbreak of the Second World War, when missionaries were evacuated, leaving Brazil with little to no organized missionary presence until the end of the conflict.

In the article, I highlight the revealing and central role of Elder Melvin J. Ballard and clarify the involvement of the Lippelt family in the early foundations of the Church in Brazil.

Underexplored themes included in the book

Beyond these central figures, the book addresses themes that were either underexplored or treated imprecisely in the existing historiography for a long time. These include:

  • The construction of the first chapel in the country.
  • The identification and precise location of what is considered the first baptism performed on Brazilian soil was previously unknown or inaccurately recorded.
  • The prominent role of non-member women in the translation process and their decisive influence on the first Portuguese edition of the Book of Mormon.
  • A more detailed analysis of the missionary evacuation during the Second World War and its long-term consequences for the Church in Brazil.

In this sense, the article functions as a gateway to a broader interpretation developed in the book, whose aim is not only to correct factual inaccuracies but also to offer a more complex, human, and historically responsible narrative of the Church’s early years in Brazil.

How would you draft an abstract of the Church’s early history in Brazil?

This question immediately brings to mind a request made years ago by Melissa Inouye, then the historian responsible for the Global Histories project at the Church History Department, who kindly asked me to produce a similar synthesis.

That invitation, combined with a growing fatigue over the persistent publication of inconsistencies and simplifications in institutional Church materials, was decisive in my decision to write the book.

“First phase” abstract

What follows is an updated, concise, and historically grounded summary of the early years of the Church in Brazil, based on primary documentation and a recent revisionist approach.

I refer to this period as the “first phase”:

Abstract: The Origins of the Church in Brazil

The origins of the Church in Brazil can be traced to a fact-finding trip in 1927 by K. B. Reinhold Stoof and his wife, Ella, and the missionary Waldo I. Stoddard, to assess the possibilities and conditions for future missionary work among German immigrant colonies in the country.

In 1928, the Church officially began organized proselytizing efforts in Brazil, initially concentrating on Joinville, in the state of Santa Catarina, and surrounding areas with a strong German-speaking population. This decision reflected both linguistic pragmatism and transnational missionary strategies already employed elsewhere in South America. The first verifiable baptism performed on Brazilian soil occurred in April 1929, when Bertha Sell and several of her children were baptized – an event whose location had been inaccurately identified in the historiography for decades.

This small group of converts grew gradually, leading to the organization of the first branch of the Church in Brazil in 1930. The following year, in 1931, a dedicated place of worship was constructed in Joinville, representing a significant institutional and symbolic milestone in the Church’s early consolidation. Far from reflecting linear or uninterrupted growth, this initial period was marked by institutional fragility, material limitations, and a strong dependence on local conditions.

In 1935, the Church formally organized the Brazilian Mission, administratively separating Brazil from the South American Mission. This reorganization reflected both demographic growth and the strategic importance attributed to Brazil within the Church’s global vision. Seeking to reach audiences beyond German-speaking communities, Mission President Rulon S. Howells organized the beginning of the translation of the Book of Mormon into Portuguese in 1937. His successor, J. Alden Bowers, oversaw its publication in 1940. This process relied decisively on the contributions of non-member women, whose linguistic labor and cultural mediation were essential yet later rendered largely invisible in official narratives.

The outbreak of the Second World War profoundly affected missionary activity in Brazil. After the United States entered the conflict, missionaries were gradually recalled for military service, drastically reducing the Church’s institutional presence in the country. By 1944, only the mission president and his family remained in Brazil, effectively suspending organized missionary work until the end of the war.

Even as a summary, this revised narrative challenges linear, triumphalist, and overly devotional readings of the Church’s early history in Brazil.

By emphasizing historical contingency, human agency, institutional vulnerability, and the contributions of frequently marginalized actors, it points toward a more complex, accurate, and historically responsible understanding of the Church’s formative decades in the country.


Future Historical Research About Brazil’s First Latter-day Saints

What are areas in need of further analysis in the history of the Church in Brazil?

The history of the Church in Brazil remains a vast and largely underexplored field, with multiple areas still in need of sustained and critical analysis. Far from being a closed or settled narrative, it is a historiography that requires ongoing revision.

Much of what has been written (especially in institutional or semi-institutional contexts) still needs careful reexamination against primary sources.

The need for historical methodology

In many cases, errors have been repeated for decades, and it is often unclear where the next inaccuracy may surface until the sources are revisited with methodological rigor.

Continued source criticism, document cross-checking and narrative reassessment are essential.

For this reason, continued source criticism, document cross-checking, and narrative reassessment are not optional but essential.

The role of well-intentioned insiders

One of the central issues is structural: the Church in Brazil has never had a professionally trained historian working consistently on its history using established historical methods. As a result, many accounts were produced by well-intentioned insiders (missionaries, leaders, or enthusiasts) who lacked formal training in historiography, archival analysis, and source contextualization.

This has led to narratives that privilege devotion, institutional memory, or anecdote over critical analysis, chronology, and evidentiary precision.

Suggestions for future research

Future research would benefit greatly from professional historical engagement in areas such as:

  • Race and priesthood restrictions
  • Gender and women’s labor (particularly invisible or marginalized contributions)
  • Migration and transnational networks
  • The role of language and ethnicity
  • Regional diversity
  • The interaction between the Church and Brazilian political and cultural contexts.

Until such work is carried out systematically, the history of the Church in Brazil will remain fragmented, uneven, and vulnerable to the continued reproduction of myths rather than historically grounded interpretations.


About the Scholar

Fernando Pinheiro da Silva Filho is a historian whose research focuses on the intersection of cultural history and religious institutions, with a particular emphasis on the archival verification of early Latter-day Saint history in South America. He is the author of Processando os Documentos, a comprehensive analysis of the years 1928–1944, and has contributed peer-reviewed scholarship to the Journal of Mormon History and Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought. Pinheiro holds a master’s degree in Cultural History from the Federal University of Alagoas (UFAL) and founded a research community of nearly 30,000 members dedicated to preserving local history.


Further Reading

Explore more From the Desk articles about the Restored Gospel in Brazil:

Early Latter-day Saint Missionary Work in Brazil

Read what a variety of top scholars and publishers say about early Latter-day Saint missionary work in Brazil:

  • Deconstructing Narratives: The New History of the Beginning of the Church in Brazil (Journal of Mormon History)
  • The Church in Brazil: An Interview with CES Director Paulo Grahl (Religious Educator)
  • Processando os Documentos: Revisando, Retificando e Ratificando a História da Igreja no Brasil, Volume I (1928-1944) (Published in Portuguese)
  • A Brief History of the Church in Brazil (Global Histories)
  • Considerations for an Apology for Afrodescendants in Brazil (Dialogue [PDF])
  • The Church in Brazil: The Future Has Finally Arrived (Liahona)

By Chad Nielsen

An independent historian specializing in Latter-day Saint history, theology, and music, Chad L. Nielsen has spent over a decade contributing to the "Bloggernacle," including roles at Times and Seasons and From the Desk. He is the author of Fragments of Revelation and a four-time recipient of Utah State University’s Arrington Writing Award, with scholarship appearing in the Journal of Mormon History, Element, and Dialogue. Driven by the belief that history is a sacred responsibility, Chad strives to make academic research accessible to all.

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